Cuban Independence

Some platformters, notably Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, axiom their own interests as lying in reform as well as emancipation. In 1868, Cespedes proclaimed license and embossed an insurgent army [Suchlicki 66-68]. For the next decade, a civil contend raged and no sooner did the Spanish suppress the initial insurgency in 1878 than another broke out in 1879-80 [Suchlicki 72].

level after this was quelled, tension remained. In 1892, Jose Marti, a Cuban emigration in the United States, organized a revolutionary party, and in 1895 full-scale insurgency broke out again [Suchlicki 78-79]. Marti was killed in battle early on, but the war continued with the insurgents gaining ground. In 1896, Spain dispatched General Valeriano Weyler [Perez 54-55], whose repressive measures earned him the title "Beast" Weyler in the U.S. yellow press.

In January of 1898, the Spanish government made a new offer of a political settlement, proposing a plan under which Cuba would have broad self-government within the Spanish Empire. Such a condition would have been not opposed Dominion status in the British Empire, as that status operated at the end of the 19th century: Cuba would have been independent in its internal affairs, though remaining aligned with Spain internationally. This proposal, however, was jilted entirely by the rebel leadership under Ma

Hernandez, Jose M. Cuba and the United States: Interventionism and Militarism, 1868-1933. Austin: University of Texas, 1993.

The idea that Spanish agents would have freewheeln up the Maine was in fact never very credible. The loss of one obsolescent second-class battlewagon was no great blow to the United States Navy, and destroying her was certain to be a casus belli, as indeed the mere suspicion be to be. Cuban insurgents qualification have had a motive to blow up the Maine (as was suggested at the time), but Spain certainly did not.

What the prospective outlet might have been from this point, had Spain and Cuba been left to their own devices, depends heavily on how Madrid's "Dominion" proposal is to be interpreted.

Either of two canonical interpretions is plausible -- a third interpretation, besides plausible, will be considered below. One interpretation is that the Madrid plan was a planetary house of Spanish war-weariness [Perez 153]. For most of the last 30 years, Spain had been embroiled in warfare with Cuban insurgents. Apparent victory in 1878-80 had except given way to another round of insurgency. From this perspective, Madrid's offer might simply be an attempt to stave off the inevitable. This plainly was how Gomez interpreted the offer, and he responded with renewed effort for full independence.

Cuban history in the 101 years since formal independence can be divided into two roughly catch periods: American dominance until 1960, and the Castro era up to the present day. With Castro, Cuba in the end gained something like real independence, but also at a heavy cost in isolation. Moreover, the Castro era seems unlikely to farseeing outlive Castro himself, and he is an aging man. However, the initial generation of Miami exiles is also aging; they are unlikely to return in exuberate to Havana as they so long hoped. Sometime in the next decade or so, the nature of Cuban independence will once again have to be determined.

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